PDF Interview to Octavi Fullat. Education as Anthropogenesis

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Formosinho, M D. Peschiutta, Hugo D. Diocese, Lamego. Diocese, Coimbra. Diocese, Guarda. Haase, Richard F. Murillo, Juan F. Piacentini, M F. Pinto, Rooney F. Pires, Ana F. Rosado, M F. Figueira, Thomas Figueira, Jorge Ed. Fortuna, Carlos org.

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Barroso, Ricardo G. Ferreira, Aristides I. Alvarez, M J. Coelho e Silva, Manuel J. McCaffrey, Robert J. Oliveira, Albertina L. Quiroga, Jorge L. Savickas, Mark L. Starkes, Janet L. And new roads meant migrant labor to the sugarcane fields of La Ventosa 79 Veracruz or the cotton fields in Chiapas. The redistribution of national oil wealth in the s brought new federal irrigation projects to the region and a sugar refinery in nearby El Espinal.

Laborers returned to La Ventosa and began growing rice and sugarcane. Wealth flowed.


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And so every weekend the town was filled with drunks. Adobe and palapa houses rapidly disappeared and were replaced by cinderblock and concrete structures. But the boom was not long lasting. Rice cultivation did not fare well and ceased. The sugarcane was hit by a major rot that wiped out nearly all the local fields. There was nothing else for them. Like so many other pueblos in the isthmus, La Ventosa experienced short periods of tantalizing prosperity interrupted by long periods of struggle for subsistence.

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Moreover, Charis kept political parties out of La Ventosa since he viewed the parties, and particularly the pr 1, as threats to his personal authority. The federal government recognized the potential for 80 CHAPTER TWO serious political unrest and intervened with two federal decrees designed to limit speculation in the traditional bienes comunales of Juchitan.

The first decree, in , held that the vast 64, hectare, square mile bienes comunales were now ejidal owing to the inclusion of some 28, hectares in the irrigation zone.

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However, the infelicitous wording of the decree also seemed to deny any possibility of smallholder property, which caused the smallholders, in turn, to organize politically against the state. The second decree, in , reinstated smallholder titles in the form of issuing some 25, permits to pequena propiedad on the ejidal land. But the decree left the relationship between possession and ownership of land rather murky. Shortly thereafter, cocei, a political movement with deep roots in the landless peasantry, formed using land occupation as its chief political tactic, seizing what it viewed as inalienable communal lands back from the landed peasant class.

The federal and state governments faced off against the istmenos, the elites of Juchitan against the elites of its townships, the campesin s and fisherfolk against the commercial and political class. But Juchitan itself was soon riven by fierce conflicts between the pri and the Juchiteco elite on the one hand and on the other those who wished to recuperate, through violent confrontation and occupation if necessary, communal land lost to privatization.

In La Ventosa, the old political distinctions between rojo and verde were reactivated. What also resonated in La Ventosa was the idea of throwing off the yoke of Juchiteco power in any form.


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  6. They are a disaster, a disaster. New homes. La Ventosa paved courtesy of Iberdrola and the agenda government. But the politics of land and value echo across the decades. The PRiistas from La Ventosa and Juchitan are now battling over the money generated by the wind parks, specifically, over the administrative fees that wind developers pay for the change of land use, which go directly to the municipio in Juchitan rather than to the agencia. All the impact is happening here in La Ventosa.

    Well, because of the law, the change of land use can only be decreed by the mayor of Juchitan, Dr. Daniel Gurrion. But day after day, night after night, for twenty-five years, it is we who will be hearing the sound of the turbines droning.

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    Not Gurrion, who lives seventeen kilometers away. We should be getting percent of the money that is now being paid to Juchitan. And demand percent. The state government can pay it.

    Or we are staying here, staying right here. All these politicians, they live from deception of the people. We wish to talk in more depth to the people who have rented land for wind development. And we also want to complete a full community opinion survey of all households on how they view the impact of the parks. Increasingly he has been able to augment his writing with broadcast work as a local reporter for the Mexican national broadcaster, Televisa. He was born and lives in La Ventosa together with his wife and children. Among his many cousins is agente municipal Hageo Montero, son of Porfirio.

    Rusvel makes a call, and we are on our way. The agenda building is modest but centrally located. A few police officers are standing around outside. On his desk is a worn paperback copy of the federal penal code and, under it, a Bible. Hageo is a quieter, gentler presence than his father.

    He tells us that like everything else in the world, for example, building a house, the wind parks have good and bad impacts. I now see young people who are finishing their studies in Juchitan as electrical engineers who are working for the companies now in very important posts.

    La Ventosa 83 They have taken courses in Spain, in Tijuana.

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    They are making the most of this. And Hageo sees general social benefits as well. This year they are a paving a street. But he says the land has always been inservible useless because of the wind. Hageo returns to these fights pleitos more than once in our conversation; these rifts within families and across generations seem to trouble him.